Friday, June 24, 2016

Economy of Sri Lanka as a concern of National Security: The Constitutional Interpretation on RIB and its Implications.

Economy of Sri Lanka as a concern of National Security


The recent determination of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in respect of the Constitutionality of the Right to Information Bill (RIB) raises several salient issues for serious consideration. While the Bill itself is intended for nothing other than to further place systematic limitations on the right to information provided under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, which would have to be dealt with in another paper, this comment tries to highlight a significant development in the judicial interpretation of the exceptions cum limitations to the fundamental rights guaranteed by the Constitution.

In its unanimous determination the three Bench panel of judges has held several clauses of the RIB unconstitutional, while some others are not. The Court has determined that Clause 5(1)(c)(v) is ‘not inconsistent with any of the provisions of the Constitution’, on the basis of its interpretation of the exception given in Clause 5(1)(c), declaring that ‘a restriction of information that would cause serious prejudice to the economy of Sri Lanka is justified as part and parcel of protecting the rights of others and the economy of Sri Lanka.’  The Court justifies the inclusion of ‘a restriction against the disclosure of information that would cause serious prejudice to the economy of Sri Lanka’ as part and parcel of the interests of “national security”. This paper briefs the political-economic foundations of this interpretation and its wider implications.

Clause 5(1)c of RIB provides that access to information shall be refused where :

(c)  the disclosure of such information would cause serious prejudice to the economy of Sri Lanka by disclosing prematurely decisions to change or continue government economic or financial policies relating to:-

(i) exchange rates or the control of overseas exchange transactions;
(ii) the regulation of banking or credit;
(iii) taxation;
(iv) the stability, control and adjustment of prices of goods and services, rents and other costs and rates of wages, salaries and other income; or
(v) the entering into of overseas trade agreements;

The Constitution of 1978 as last amended by the 19th Amendment does not provide economy of Sri Lanka as a matter of concern for restriction on fundamental rights. It is only by the RIB that this new restriction is introduced. It has been argued during the hearing of the case that the above provision is unconstitutional as it is not caught up under Article 14A(2) of the Constitution that lays down restrictions on the right of access to information. Article 14A(2) provides that right of access to information can be restricted inter alia  “in the interest of ‘national security’”. What the Court has now done in the determination is to read (national)economy of Sri Lanka into the scope of national security.  

This constitutional interpretation of the Court is unprecedented in Sri Lanka. Never before had the apex court of the island held that fundamental rights of the persons of the country can be restricted on the grounds of prejudice to national economy. Moreover it is in this determination that the Court takes the opportunity to declare ‘serious prejudice to the economy of Sri Lanka’ as part and parcel of the interests of national security.

National Security is not defined anywhere in the constitution, not in the proposed bill. The Global Principles on National Security and the Right to Information, also called the Tshwane Principles, compiled in June 2013 as a project of Open Society Justice Initiative, does not define national security but recommends in Principle 2 that when national security is used to limit the right to information, it should have been ‘defined precisely in a country’s legal framework in a manner consistent with a democratic society’.  RIB does not do this and the Court has stepped in to this task, but not to define it, but to include national economy within its scope.

The third principle in Tshwane Principles provides that the fact that disclosure could cause harm to a country’s economy would be relevant in determining whether information should be withheld on the grounds of national economy, but not on the grounds of national security. Contrary to this principle the Court in holding the aforesaid interpretation has failed to appreciate the implications of reading national economy into national security and legitimizing the withholding of information on grounds of national security when such disclosure could be claimed to harm the country’s economy.  

In 1985 the United Nations Economic and Social Council adopted the Siracusa Principles on the Limitation and Derogation Provisions in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. There are interpretative principles of ten limitation clauses provided therein in respect of restrictions on civil and political rights. National security is one such limitation clause and it does not identify national economy as a matter to be considered in its interpretation.

The determination of national economy as a national security concern has its historical and ideological roots. The shift of the judiciary to the far right has been a global phenomenon since the financial crisis in 2008. Many examples can be drawn from developed countries including United States, Britain and France. The judicial interpretation in the instant matter depicts the extent of facilitation the Court is prepared to offer for the economic and trade restructuring forced to be implemented by the Sirisena-Wickremasighe government.

Dipped deeply into the economic instability and faced with debt crisis, the Bill was brought in by the government to win over the democratic credentials and public trust that the ruling elite in the country had long been losing and to contain public discontent about the whole bourgeoisie establishment. The Great recession of 2008 that spread throughout the globe had direct implications to Sri Lanka and the economy was greatly affected, while massive spending on thirty year civil war against the Tamil toiling masses in the north and east had amassed a huge debt load. The loans granted and promised by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) dictated austerity measures and public welfare cuts and reduction of budget deficit. It also required overhaul privatization and foreign investment facilitation. These unpopular measures were inviting more and more public outcry, agitation and mass opposition. The World Bank and IMF demand that the governments around the world implement neoliberal policies in order to save capitalist market economy. The government of Sri Lanka is not spared.

In these circumstances, as can be observed in several other countries, the right of access to information regarding economic structuring programmes of the government must be strictly limited. The RIB seeks to limit this right of access to such economic sensitive information as provided in clause 5(1)(c) and it is the Court that legitimizes this restriction of prejudice to national economy by bringing it within the scope of national security, which is a restriction already laid down in the Constitution in Article 14A(2).  

The republic of Indonesia included the right to information in its constitutional amendment in 2000. It is provided in article 28F. In 2008 the Public Information Disclosure Act was brought in to regulate opening access to public information. Section 17 therein classifies the information that is limited on several exceptional grounds, including the obstruction of process of law enforcement,   defense and security of the state, information that could reveal national wealth of the country and that could harm diplomatic relations etc. National economic security is another ground of exception, but significantly is a separate grounds of limitation and not read within the purview of national security.

If the RIB is passed as law, the resulting effect would be the denial of access to information regarding decisions that are intended to ‘change’ economic and financial policies relating to salient economic features that are to affect the greater masses within the country. The information regarding all discussions, trade agreements, arrangements in respect of control and regulation of overseas exchange transactions, regulation of banking or credit, taxation, prices of goods and services, rates of wages and salaries will be non-accessible to the public. In denying access the public authorities are free to resort to exceptional clauses of prejudice claimed to be caused to the national economy and also to national security.

The determination has far reaching implications even if the RIB is not passed as law.  Once national economy is judicially identified as a concern of national security, it could most possibly imply that government is empowered to invoke national security measures at times of economic crises. The times of economic crises are the times of struggles of the working people. Thus, it would be legitimate before the future Court of law of this country even to declare a state emergency and call for essential services to suppress any working class agitation at times of economic turbulence and crisis in the interest of so called national security.
By Sanjaya Wilson Jayasekera
image credit:thediplomat