Wednesday, November 15, 2017

The Marxist approach to the Jathika Chinthana "Lie"

The Marxist approach to the Jathika Chinthana "Lie"

Is it necessary for Marxists to debate with nationalists, for instance neo-Nazis and others, including followers of Nalin de Silva? In so far as their propositions challenge Marxist materialist theory, Marxists have to deal with them. But once it is covered within the basic dichotomy  between idealism and materialism, Marxists do not need to proceed further in attacking such idealist popositions. However, we can deal with their subjective ideologies that deny objective truths even in the political and social life of a society. Quantum mechanics is about physical micro world and not about social life of a national and international society which is a macro-level social organization. One may also call it the relative frame of reality upon which Marxists work.

Sinhala nationalists deny objective truth and at the same time assert a whole history, knowledge of a Sinhalese race and a united Sinhala Country from the so called King Dutugemunu, whose existence in the past they assert as an objective truth. This is a serious contradiction of the so called Jathika Chinthana, and there are many. Simply, once they deny objective truth, they have no right even to utter a word, because then words have only relative meaning and therefore there is no word, no language, no communication, everything is private and depends on the Observer, the I; So no cultural heritage and no social organization is possible. Then they would argue that there is a relative truth agreeable for common purpose and social organization. But that yet again is relative to observer. The history of a nation underlies the histories of classes. For example the history of the Sinhalese is the history of the elites and not of the oppressed claases in feudal and monarchical systems. The history of different casts under so called Sinhala kings would have been different to the meta-narrative of Ruling elites. There would have been casts who did not want to identify themselves with so called Sinhalese of the elites. They would have asserted their culture was the true Sinhala culture. So what is Sinhala too is problematic and depends on evidence and relative to different clases in feudal systems, arguing in line with denial of objective truths. They also say the knowledge we have been educated with is western.

The Jathika Chinthana flows from idealist formulations of Nalin de Silva, whose so called Constructive Relativism(CR) is an anti-marxist metanarrative, asserting primacy of mind above matter,  that no objective world can be perceived without mind. But it fails to assert that the mind can exist without matter, or to answer whether the mind which is also a creation of mind itself exists in a vacum, free from laws of time and space. There cannot be mind without relationship to external matter, even to create most primary concepts, images from which to create othet concepts and images without additional external information. Mind thus itself exists in relationship to matter.   Mind is history, images, past, conditioning, thoughts, which all arise in association with matter (matter is not necessarily mass, but includes magnetic fields, all forms of physical energy etc and our sensory images). There is no mind without thoughts, consciousness which are all obtained through senses. Mind is impotent to create itself without matter, images. Mind simply cannot perceive the change,movement or change in itself being unrelated to external movement, changes in matter. The primacy of Mind and matter is not a question of egg before hen. It's through mind that objective material world is perceived, but the assertion of the existence of Mind independant of matter cannot deny  the existence of Matter independent of Mind.

Constructive Relativism has one unique way of disassociating with  the western philosophy's argument against idealism: to assert that the idea of mind in CR is not the same as that which is identified in western philosopy's idealism: that so called Sinhala Theravada  Chinthana formulation of mind is different from the concept of mind in what is referred to as  Weastern Greek Judaic Christian Chinthanaya as against Catholic Thinking. Marxists do not have to bother with such disasscosition, because it in no way affects its political programme.

The objective truth for Marxists is that there is a market, a capitalist system, there is imperialism, Sinhala nationalism, Tamil nationalism, an international working class,  and so on. Marxists do not bother whether such truths are relative to the Observer. History is read by Marxists with dialectical method. Historical materialism is the method of interpreting the written history .

Why do the West impose their hegamony  of knowledge? The purpose is political and economic. Imperialism is one such expression. Their economic hegamony is founded on global capitalism.

There is hardly any merit in having a debate with Jathika Chinthana. There is no purpose in debating with religious fanatics too. The simple question Marxists must put to the working class, the workers and youth who belong to different  identities is, how to resolve the crisis of global inequality, poverty and social misery, which are objective  realities, also perceived by mind through the senses. The programme to defeat identity politics needs to assert the fight against Capitalism.

Marxists examine the objective economic, political and historical foundations of a phenomenon, an incident, a development. Instead of analysing the histories of a nationality, Marxists analyse the history of nationalism being used as a bourgeoisie weapon of class division.

Nalin de Silva's theory on mind and knowlede being fundamentally idealist, Marxists should plainly deny any impact on Marxist programme for Socialism and against Capitalism. The basic line of division between Marxism and Constructive Relativism is the line dividing  materialism and idealism.


Sunday, October 29, 2017

වෙන්වයාම තීරනය වන්නේ ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන් නොවේ

වෙන්වයාම තීරනය  වන්නේ  ව්‍යවස්ථාවෙන්  නොවේ

කැටලන් පාර්ලිමෙන්තුව ඔක්තොම්බර් 27 එකපාර්ශිකව ස්පාඤ්ඤයෙන් වෙන්වීම  එනම්   නිදහස ප්‍රකාශ  කලේය.ඒ සදහා කැටලන් ආන්ඩුවට එහි ජනතාවගෙන්  ඔක්තෝම්බර් 1 දා ජනමත  විචාරනයෙන් ඉහල ජන වරමක් ලැබුණි.  පාර්ලිමේන්තු අධිරාජ්‍යය ක් වන ස්පාඤ්ඤය  1978 ආන්ඩුක්‍රම   ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ  2 වන වගන්තිය අනුව විසිරුවාහල නොහැකි ඒකකයකි. එය සෑම ස්පාඤ්ඤ වැසියකුගේම පොදු හා විභේදනය කල නොහැකි මවුබිමයි. එය සියලු ජාතීන්ගේ ස්වයං  පාලනය සදහා ඇති අයිතිය පිලිගන්නා අතර එය තහවරු කරයි:
"The Constitution is based on the indissoluble unity of the Spanish Nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards; it recognises and guarantees the right to self government of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed and the solidarity among them"

ස්පාඤ්ඤ   ව්‍යවස්ථා අධිකරණය  ජනමත විචාරනය නීති විරෝධී යැයි තින්දු කලේය. ස්පාඤ්ඤ ආන්ඩුව ඡන්දය නතර කිරීම් සදහා මිලිටරි පොලීසිය යොදවා මර්ධනය දිගේලි කලේය. දැන් ස්පාඤ්ඤ  ආන්ඩුව විසින් කැටලන් පාර්ලිමෙන්තුව විසුරුවා හැර සෘජු පාලනයට යටත් කොට ඇති (155 වගන්තිය)  අතර නව මැතිවරනයක් කැදවා ඇත. කැටලන් පොලීසිය විසුරුවා ඇත. අවසාන  අදියරෙදී මෙම තත්ත්වය කැරල්ලක් හා දරුනු මර්දනයක් හෝ සිවිල් යුද්දයක් වෙත තල්ලුවීම නොවැලැක්විය හැකි ය.

මෙයින් සනාථ වන එක් පැහැදිලි සත්‍යයක්  තිබේ- කිසිදු   ඒක පාර්ශවික වෙන්වීමක් සාමකාමීව සිදු නොවේ. අවසානයේ  ආන්ඩුක්‍රම   ව්‍යවස්ථාව හෝ නීතිය කුමක්ද යන්න තීරනාත්මක සාධකය   නොවේ. විසදුම තීරණය  වන්නේ දේශපාලන තලයේදී ය. එය ප්‍රාන්ත ආන්ඩුවල මිලිටරි බලය, එයට ඇති ජනතා සහාය හා මධ්‍යම රජයේ මිලිටරි  බලයෙන් මෙන්ම අදිරජ්‍යවාදී මදිහත්වීම් මගින් අවසානය සනිටුහන් කරයි.

ප්‍රාන්යක් මධ්‍යම රාජ්යයෙන් වෙන්වීම තීන්දු කිරීමත් සමග  රටක ඒකීයභාවය පිලිබඳව එහි   ආන්ඩුක්‍රම   ව්‍යවස්ථාවේ කුමක් සදහන්  වුවත් ඒ මොහොතේ සිට තවදුරටත්  එම  ව්‍යවස්ථාව ක්‍රියාත්මක වීම නතර වේ. ඉන් පසු කාරනා තීරනය වන්නේ දේශපාලනය හා මිලිටරි බලය මතයි.

එ අනුව ව්යවස්ථා සම්පාදක අවස්ථාවකදී රටක ව්යවස්ථාවේ "ඒකීය"  හෝ " සංදීය " යන්න සඳහන් කිරිම තීරනාත්මක කාරනා   නොවේ. එවන් සාකච්චාවක් මග එලිකරනු ඇත්තේ දෙපැත්තේම ජාතිවාදය ශක්තිමත් කිරීම වෙතයි. එමගින් අන්ත දක්ශිනාන්ශික ජාතිවාදී පක්ශ ඊලඟ මැතිවරනයේදී බලය තහවරු කර ගැනීමට උදවු වනු ඇත.

ව්‍යවස්ථා  සම්පාදනයේ දී වඩාත් වැදගත් වනු ඇත්තේ ප්‍රාන්ත ප්‍රදෙශ වලට විමධ්‍යගත  කරන පරිපාලන බලතල සම්බන්ද කාරනාය. විශේෂයෙන්  පොලිස්, මිලිටරි, විදෙශ කටයුතු යන කාරනා විමධ්‍යගත  කිරීම ප්‍රාන්තයක්  වෙන්වයාම තීරනය කිරීම සමග එනම් ව්යවස්ථාව අකර්මණ්‍ය  විම ආරම්භ  වන විට අතිශය තීරනාත්මක කරුනු බවට පත් වේ.

කෙසේ නමුත් වෙන්වයන ප්‍රාන්යක් අවසාන වශයෙන් පිහිටවනු ඇත්තේ තවත් ධනපති ආන්ඩුවක් බැවින් එහි සාමාන්‍ය  වැඩකරන ජනතාව ඇතුලු පීඩිත පන්තීන්ට ලැබෙන සහනයක් නම් නැත. ලෝක සමාජවාදී වෙබ් අඩවිය පැහැදිලිව දක්වන පරිදිම ස්පාඤ්ඤ මහජනතාව මධ්‍යම  හා  ප්‍රාන්ත  ආන්ඩු මගින් එක දිගට 2008 මූල්‍ය හා ආර්ථික අර්බුදයෙන් පසු ක්‍රියාවට දැමූ කප්පාදු වැඩපිලිවෙල මගින් බැටකනු ලැබිණි.  ඒ හේතුවෙන් එම ආන්ඩු    මහජන අප්‍රසාදයට පත්ව ඇති  තතු තුල කැටලන් ධනපති ආන්ඩුව එම අප්‍රසාදය   ගසා කෑවේ ජාතිවාදී බෙදුම්වාදය ඉස්සරහට දමා ගනිමිනි.

දකුනේ ආන්ඩු බලය තහවරු කිරීම සදහා  සිංහල ස්වෝත්තමවාදී ආන්ඩු යටතේ දියත් කල අකටයුතුකම්, මර්ධන හා සමූල ඝාතන වලට අමතරව ලංකාවේ  දෙමල ධනපති ජාතිවාදී දෙශපාලනය මූලිකවම පදනම් වන්නේද  මෙවැනිම තතු යටතේය.

පහත ලිපි ඉතා වැදගත්:

Spain imposes military rule in Catalonia to preempt independence bid


ස්පාඤ්ඤ ආන්ඩුව කැටලෝනියාව මත මිලිටරි පිටුබලය සහිත පාලන තන්ත‍්‍රයක් අටවන බවට තර්ජනය කරයි

An independent class strategy for the Spanish and Catalan working class!

Wednesday, January 4, 2017

TWAIL - Why it is an empty shell?

Third World Approaches to Internatinoal Law(TWAIL) - Why it is an empty shell?
A two day workshop on Third World Approaches to Internatinoal Law held in University of Colombo concluded today. Further to my initial reading of TWAIL literature, the workshop provided space to see how its main proponents approached to the different opinions expressed.

Confirming my presumptinos on TWAIL project before the workshop, the workshop only solidified my initial thoughts about it. While what I note here is partly some first thoughts, they lack only detailed annotation here and in summary the conclusiooins I have arrived at are valid to the core. 
 
Firstly, TWAIL is limited fundamentally by nationalism and regionalism and, as its two proponents, Prof.Anghie and Prof.Vasuki,  admitted at the workshop, TWAIL has multiple approaches and therefore it has no basis of a meta-nararative and no grand theory to be laid as the foundation of its discourse.  Thus it is almost possible that anybody representing so called third world interests to speak about Third World within TWAIL, ironically without having studied any literature in TWAIL: one would be a TWAIL-er even without knowing what TWAIL is, because there is nothing theoretical in it. This goes in line with postmodern rejection of meta-narratives  and highlighting of multiple identities and theories. 

Secondly, while TWAIL claims to represent the interests of the people of the third world against the Third World state, it also protects it and stands by it for its sovereignty. This is a fundamental contradiction. If it represents the interests of the peoples, then independance from all affiliations from the ruling classes has to be established.  You cannot have it and not have it at the same time, and to meet the end of upholding rights of the oppressed masses, a different approach would have to be found. 

Thirdly, while its natinoalist limitation is inherent and it theoretically poor in its content  TWAIL fails to answer the question of the global inequality, austerity and consequences of  financial crisis in the first world, in spite of the TWAIL's claims to have  imancipatory goals.  It fails to answer the issue of global drive for war  by the major imperialist powers.

To argue that first world is also becoming another third world due to financial crises is an absurd argument, which is fundamentally contradictory to the basic premises of TWAIL itself. If that argument is accepted, a series of fundamental questions have to be raised: then what is the dominant faction/oppressor that vield power on the newly formed third world?  Is it so called Transnational Capitalist Class(TCC) that dominates over the Transnational Oppressed Class (TOC),  to use prf.Chimni's terminoloby? Then what is the validity of the concept of imperialism or neo-colonialism in respect of those newly formed third world in the developed world? What is meant by global justice then, justice to whom and against whom? Why are there all of a sudden these concepts of TCC  and TOC which were not used to explain the Third World in the Third World at the first instance? Then what would be the result if these purported new concept tools applied to the Third World? Then how does our first understanding of the causes and consequences of the injustice caused to the Third World changes or is there no change at all? 

This phenomenon cannot be explained by any other means but employing the theory of surplus value and the collapse of rate of profit in the global capitalist system. It is only Marxist School of law that is capable of explaining this phenomenon. Globalization of production, rise of financial capital, collapse of rate of profit, financial crises, bail outs, austerity, inter imperialist tensions and drive for global hegemony and global war, the Capitalist system rooted in the nation-state system, and  resistance by the international working class are the issues to be discussed in order to understand this whole phenomenon. Laws are made to legitimize polarisation of wealth(62 richest persons have more wealth than  what half of the poorest of the world population has in total),  financial paracitism and grave environmental damage(Federal Court ruled that mitigated and nominal damages, just $9.5 billion,  be paid by British Petrolium in respect of the worst ever environmental disaster in US history and worst ecological disaster in the world in Deepwater Horizen Oil spill in Mexico Bay in 2010)drive for global hegemony,  mass spending for nueclear war heads (US to spend 1 Trillion dollars in the next thirty years), to legalise austerity and cracked down upon civil and political rights of those who resist, to intensify surveilance, the wars abroad and police state apparatus at home. Therefore laws are at the service of the market and the  capitalist classes around the world. While domestic,  municipal laws are so framed, Internatinal law is also necessarily to be employed to meet this end. 

Only the Marxist School of law can adequately answer these issues and explain the injustice caused to the Third World by colonialism and imperialism.